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It is that time in the yearly cycle where once again, another expert is calling for Australia to develop and implement a comprehensive national security strategy to prepare the country for the storm brewing on the horizon.
Australia stands at a crossroads, facing the uncomfortable truth that the post-Second World War order, which delivered decades of stability and prosperity, is unravelling. In its place, new centres of power are rising, each with their own ambitions for the 21st century.
But unlike the cataclysmic wars of the past, today’s global power shifts are being shaped by a simmering mix of economic, political and military competition. The world’s major and emerging powers are jostling for position, not always with bullets, but with trade, influence, tech and strategic coercion.
While many Western nations have been slow to grasp the scale of this shift, Australia has been slower – still lulled by decades of comfort behind the so-called “tyranny of distance”.
That illusion of safety is now well and truly over.
Nowhere is this power realignment starker than in our own region. The Indo-Pacific has become the epicentre of global competition, led by the rise of China and India. Alongside them, nations like Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Japan, Pakistan and Thailand are building momentum, asserting themselves with increasing confidence.
Meanwhile, traditional powers like the United States, the UK, Germany and France face relative decline, constrained by domestic challenges and shifting global influence.
What sets these rising nations apart is their clear use of “whole-of-nation” power aligning economic, diplomatic, military and societal tools to drive national ambition and secure their national interests. They’re challenging the global norms Australia has taken for granted for far too long.
So yes, once again, it’s time to say it clearly: Australia needs a bold, clear-eyed national security strategy. One that unites the nation, sets measurable goals and articulates a compelling vision for how we’ll navigate a world defined by great power competition.
We can’t afford to drift any longer. It’s time to face reality and take control of our future, together.
Backing this call is the latest in a long line of experts from across the nation, senior fellow at the Perth USAsia Centre, Alana Ford, in a piece for the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s The Strategist, titled Australia urgently needs a national security strategy, in which she articulated the growing need for Australia to develop and implement a national security strategy.
Ford begins her analysis, saying, “Many nations, including Australia, continue to operate as if strategic shocks are exceptional, not the new norm. This illusion of peace leaves us dangerously unprepared for the multipolar, contested, and volatile world rapidly unfolding around us. Unlike our closest allies – including Japan, Britain and the United States – Australia lacks a unified, public-facing national security strategy to guide coordinated action across defence, diplomacy, intelligence, cyber security, critical infrastructure protection, and national resilience.”
Issuing a call to arms, Ford declared, “A national security strategy is not a luxury for Australia in 2025. It is a necessity for navigating uncertainty, strengthening resilience and protecting our future.”
‘Peacetime is over’
At the core of Ford’s thesis is her recognition that, as she stated, “Peacetime is over”, meaning that the relative calm that followed the Second World War –a period that underpinned much of Australia’s security, prosperity and global engagement – has been irrevocably fractured.
In its place, we find a world defined by relentless competition, regional militarisation and open conflict. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the widening instability across the Middle East, and China’s rising assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific are just some of the fault lines. At the same time, cyber attacks, disinformation campaigns, and the resurgence of authoritarian regimes are quietly redrawing the global security map.
Ford added, “The world is once again in an age of competition and conflict. Only this time, advancements in cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, robotics and surveillance tools mean that modern threats do not operate at the speed of government; they operate at the speed of technology.”
Today’s threats move at the speed of innovation, not the speed of diplomacy or legislation. Advancements in artificial intelligence, cyber warfare, autonomous systems and surveillance have reshaped the battlefield and increasingly, that battlefield is everywhere. Technology is now both the means of conflict and the contested domain in which it plays out. The line between war and peace is blurred; so too is the distinction between soldier and civilian.
A powerful example of this new reality was Ukraine’s Operation Spiderweb. It was agile, cross-domain and strategic, relying not on expensive weapons systems but on inexpensive drones, non-kinetic attacks, deception and timing. It reflected a kind of warfare that’s as much about perception and disruption as it is about traditional firepower.
And yet, while the world moves into this new era with urgency, Australia remains dangerously behind. Our institutional response to the end of peacetime is fragmented and reactive. The last time Australia released a national security strategy was in 2013 – a different world entirely, when smartphones were just taking hold and hybrid warfare was largely theoretical.
Since then, many of our allies have recognised that national security strategies are more than bureaucratic blueprints. They are strategic signals to agencies, to adversaries, to allies and to the public. They align efforts across government, guide resource allocation and foster a shared understanding of national priorities.
Without one, Australia is flying blind. We lack a coherent framework to respond to modern threats, particularly those that fall between departments and across domains. We’re unable to clearly communicate our intent or priorities and most critically, we’re not preparing Australians for the challenges of an age defined not by peace, but by persistent, high-stakes competition.
Ford detailed this reality, saying, “Meanwhile, Australia’s institutional response to the end of peacetime remains fragmented and reactive. Australia’s first national security strategy was released more than a decade ago in 2013, under vastly different global conditions when smartphone penetration was nascent, China’s military modernisation was in its early stages and hybrid warfare was more theoretical than operational reality. No government has issued a new national security strategy since then.”
The world has changed. It’s time we caught up.
We haven’t been idle, but we have work
It is important to note that Ford stated that Australia hasn’t been entirely idle in responding to these challenges. Under the Albanese government, we’ve seen significant steps forward, namely the Defence Strategic Review, the 2023–2030 Cyber Security Strategy, and a suite of targeted initiatives aimed at shoring up the nation’s resilience. More recently, the release of the 2024 National Defence Strategy marked a shift towards a more integrated, whole-of-government and whole-of-nation mindset.
Ford added, “Another important initiative is Australia’s Annual National Threat Assessment, which is delivered by Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Director-General Mike Burgess. The 2025 assessment was comprehensive, sobering and forward-looking. Yet without an overarching national security strategy, there is no framework to integrate the full spectrum of contemporary security challenges.”
But despite these efforts, something is still missing: a cohesive, overarching national security strategy. One that ties all these efforts together, providing a clear framework to understand, prioritise and respond to the full spectrum of threats we face – both old and new.
Where our adversaries operate from comprehensive, long-term strategies, Australia still responds piecemeal. We need a national strategy that defines who we are, what we stand for and how we intend to defend it. A strategy that unites defence, diplomacy, intelligence, economic security and social cohesion into a single, integrated vision. That vision must be clear-eyed and easily digestible for the Australian public about the modern threat landscape.
It must account for the increasing prominence of grey zone operations, cyber and information warfare, economic coercion and foreign interference, alongside conventional threats. Additionally, it must link national security with industry and innovation, establish clear priorities for our international partnerships and set principles for navigating the tension between economic interests and national security.
Most importantly, it must speak to Australians. National security can no longer live in Canberra alone. Public understanding and support will be critical to our resilience. Our closest allies already understand this. They’re investing in integrated, forward-looking strategies to protect their people, economies and way of life.
Australia must do the same. Not to follow in anyone’s footsteps but to take control of and determine our future, protect our interests and safeguard the nation we’ve built.
Ford reinforced this, saying, “Our allies understand such priorities and are acting accordingly. Australia must follow, not merely to keep pace with friends, but to ensure we can protect what matters most – our nation and its people.”
Final thoughts
Long-time readers will know I’ve long argued for a clear, unified strategy to transform Australia from a struggling, second-tier “middle power” into a more capable and influential regional force, one able to assertively pursue its own economic, political and strategic interests.
But it’s time to face facts: the old “she’ll be right” mentality no longer cuts it. The world and, indeed, our region is becoming more competitive, more contested and more hostile by the day.
The brutal reality of war in Europe, the Middle East, and the brief but intense clashes between India and Pakistan have shown us that we’ve returned to a world where “might makes right”. But this time, it’s not just about military force, it’s about whole-of-nation power.
And like many Western nations, Australia is nowhere near prepared for the ripple effects of modern conflict.
Australians have enjoyed extraordinary security and comfort for generations: no rationing, no real shocks to our system, no prolonged chaos. But that comfort has bred dangerous complacency. To protect our future, Australia must build the diplomatic, economic and military strength expected of a serious power.
This isn’t just about defence, it’s about safeguarding our way of life and earning the ability to help shape, not just survive, the future of the Indo-Pacific. We urgently need to drop the mindset that bold reform is “too hard”. With the right leadership, we can unlock enormous strategic and economic opportunity and become not just a fast follower, but a true strategic leader.
With China growing more assertive and tensions rising across the region, Australia faces a clear choice: stay small and exposed or rise to meet the moment.
That means building real national resilience diversifying our economy, investing in innovation and preparing for economic coercion so that our sovereignty isn’t vulnerable to global shocks. Only a strong, agile economy can provide the leverage to deter threats, grow prosperity and lead with confidence.
And only then can our defence force move from being reactive to being truly ready, capable of defending our interests in a world where power is shifting fast and security can no longer be assumed.
Get involved with the discussion and let us know your thoughts on Australia’s future role and position in the Indo-Pacific region and what you would like to see from Australia’s political leaders in terms of partisan and bipartisan agenda setting in the comments section below, or get in touch at
Stephen Kuper
Steve has an extensive career across government, defence industry and advocacy, having previously worked for cabinet ministers at both Federal and State levels.
